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Full text of "Rapid Population Growth Consequences And Policy Implications"

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would when you first came here?" 57 percent said yes. There can be little doubt that "satisfaction" questions are tricky to interpret, much influenced as they are by wording of the question and its placement within the context of other "adjustment" questions. Nonetheless, it is still possible to conclude that most migrants are positive about their move.
In another context, all Monterrey men were asked the question, "Do you consider that your current job is better, the same, or worse than the one your father had at approximately the same age?" Almost two thirds (66 percent) of all migrants reported their jobs as better than their fathers', a higher figure than any of the natives yielded. Only 21 percent of the migrants said their jobs were worse. Another self-appraisal question, "Do you believe your opportunities to live comfortably are greater, the same, or lesser than those of the majority of people in Mexico?" can be used to make the following comparisons:
Greater            Lesser
Men in Cedral                                                         6%                 57% Men from Cedral but
living in Monterrey                                           15                    25
Total sample of Monterrey men                    27                    15
Clearly the migrants from Cedral to Monterrey are intermediate, with the contrast between Cedral and Monterrey men quite striking.
The large city in developing areas is perceived by those outside as well as inside it as providing greater opportunities than elsewhere. This belief can be held by a man notwithstanding his low occupational status. Men need not evaluate their situation wholly in terms of their own occupation, income, or mobility prospects. For instance, among married men who were 36 or older upon last arrival to Monterrey and who had children, 14 percent reported education as their major reason for migration. At their age, obviously it is their children's education that they have in mind.
Migrants and Differential Personal and Social Disorganization*
The persistent belief that migrants are more prone than natives to all forms of personal and social disorganization has already been mentioned. It undoubtedly derives from a long-standing propensity in the social sciences to impose dichotomies upon reality, folk-urban, mechanic-organic, traditional-modern, etc. This leads, however unintentionally, to a separation of urban and rural into two mutually exclusive social and cultural systems. Scholars thus have reified their theoretical constructs.t
*See also John Cassel, "Health Consequences of Population Density and Crowding," in this volume.
'As Hauser (49, p. 514) puts it, "The dichotomizations perhaps represent all too hasty efforts to synthesize and integrate what little knowledge has been acquired ins of this paper is that it does not take the foreign-born explicitly into account. For a number of large cities their presence has had a considerable impact upon the opportunity structure of both natives and internal migrants.st are those from farm backgrounds. They are the group who must make the (rreatest adjustment in stvlp. of livino nnH tVip.rpfnrp nrp nrp«nmali1\/ m^et inhe predominantly male rural-urban migration, in the multilingual character of the society, in the existence of polygamy, and